The U.S. State Department is essentially a theatrical production company encompassing the concept of good and evil in international relations in which its contracted writers, directors and stage managers handle such tasks as costume design and wardrobe management, conveying the recurring roles of good and evil, dispensing halos and horns that are reversed as required in sequels where former ‘bad guys’ become ‘good guys’ and the targeted audience responds accordingly.
France grinding to a halt as CGT strike against IMF-coerced labor austerity measures shuts down oil refineries, airlines and public transportation.
A writer’s most grievous social offense in America is telling the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. Yet, the whole truth is what is needed in order to comprehend and to overcome the forces of evil in the ongoing war between indigenous nations and modern states. Even at the UN–or perhaps especially at the UN–this war waged by modern states, transnational corporations, media and their collaborators in the non-profit industrial complex against indigenous nations is a matter of life and death on a daily basis.
In Hijacking the Environmental Movement, I wrote that the ‘New Economy’ privatization cheerleaders, i.e. 350, Avaaz and CERES, all have fundamental ties to Wall Street moguls and finance sector criminals, and are “currently pressing for changes in international law that would give the finance sector carte blanche in privatizing all of nature.” What this so-called ‘sustainable capitalism’ is in reality sustaining, I observed, “is totalitarian corporate control of world governance and human survival.” Earth Economics, initially founded by TIDES, is a key player in promoting this scheme.
–excerpt from Earth Economics: Running with Bad Company
We are closing in on two generations now, since the Reagan administration, that have been raised in a patriarchal system that taught them to cede their responsibilities as citizens to professional managers of the non-profit industrial complex. That complex, along with the media, educational institutions, and political parties, is wholly owned by Wall Street. The withdrawal of public resources and accountability has been entirely replaced by patronized careerists and managers dependent on the ruling class.
Young adults between the ages of 20 and 40, with a few notable exceptions, have never known self-organized democratic renewal. To these post Vietnam war generations, the heroic sacrifices and steadfast persistence of those engaged in the Free Speech movement, the Negro revolution, and the anti-war movement in the US are unimaginable.
As targets of 24/7 digital advertising and propaganda, they are largely unable to think for themselves. When some do, their voices are shunned, their voices too disturbing for those taught to beg for foundation grants or corporate sponsorships, and to unquestioningly follow celebrities financed by the ruling class, who reassure them that their complacency will be rewarded.
Bernie Sanders has given them a glimpse of the power of breaking free from the patronizing system Hillary Clinton represents, but who will lead them in democratizing America after the presidential election is over? Is Bernie just another form of entertainment for them, or will they get down to the task of persistent unpaid work and steadfast commitment required to save our society from oblivion?
Time will tell.
Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, vol 22, issue 2, 1999 contains a review by Paul de Armond titled A Time for New Beginnings, in which he examines the history of ideas motivating the fascist movement in the United States. In this article, de Armond locates Wise Use and Christian Patriots within that movement. In his view, a study of the American far right was overdue, and he notes the U.S. Taxpayers Party was a merger of the Christian Right with Christian-Patriot white supremacists, that emerged as an important fusion party of the extreme right during the militia organizing drive of 1994. As Paul observes, USTP’s constitutionalist ideology, choice of phrases and catalogue of enemies provides targets for its “brigades”, much like the Tea Party does today.
Rather than toss political labels around, de Armond urged a behavioral definition of fascism, such as the Reagan administration’s use of the American extreme right to organize paramilitary action in Central America. He reminds readers that it was state and local governments that used armed right-wing paramilitaries like the Klan to attack civil rights activists, and that there is a continuity of the American paramilitary right that includes the Klan, Minutemen, Aryan Nations, Militia of Montana, Covenant Sword and Arm of the Lord.
With each successive wave of violence, notes Paul, the expressions of establishment surprise have become a predictable ritual, and that “It is only in the case of the most horrifying or politically inflammatory violence that significant law enforcement resources have been committed.” As de Armond observes, there have been three waves of right-wing militia organizing since the 1960s, which one can get more detail about in his report Racist Origins of Border Militias.
In his end notes, Paul says, “Fascism is a form of social change as a movement and a form of social institution as an establishment. It is neither a political ideology, a religion, nor a mental illness, though it manifests itself in all these forms. It is a rationalization of theft, just as statism is a rationalization of power, capitalism is a rationalization of acquisition, and sociopathy is a rationalization of the irrational. Anti-fascism is a form of informational public health, related to epidemiology.”
There are several books by our colleagues in the Public Good Project Bookstore that elaborate on parts of his analysis, but I figured this might suffice for an introduction.